Skip to content

清涟居

何清涟个人主页

  • 个人简介
  • 学术思考
  • 中国观察
  • 经济分析
  • 世界与中国
  • 国土生态
  • 历史与文化
  • 读书与随笔
  • 采访与演讲
  • 英文文章
  • 日文文章
  • 程晓农文集
  • Toggle search form
  • 政治角斗场中的昂山素季 世界与中国
  • 盟友冷落美国 拜登病情成反思焦点 世界与中国
  • 风流纵被风吹雨打去 中国观察
  • 中国当局为何不肯承认“六四”是国家罪错?――纪念“六四”事件18周年 中国观察
  • 一封写错收信人的联名信 世界与中国
  • 中国外交战略的重新定位——胡锦涛访美前夕中国向美示好的背后 世界与中国
  • 由“关系人”到“麻烦制造者” ——李小琳、张宏伟与保险业的内幕交易 中国观察
  • 薄熙来案的重重疑云 ——写于薄熙来案件开审之际 中国观察

Officially Sanctioned Crime in China: A Catalogue of Lawlessness

Posted on December 3, 2006December 29, 2012 By Admin 1 Comment on Officially Sanctioned Crime in China: A Catalogue of Lawlessness

BY HE QINGLIAN

In the coming months, HRIC will be publishing a new book-length report by noted scholar He Qinglian on the Chinese government’s increasing use of underworld tactics against rights defenders. In anticipation of wide interest on this subject, the report will be published in both English and Chinese. Following is the preface to the book and the table of contents.

  PREFACE: WHY STUDY OFFICIALLY SANCTIONED CRIME IN CHINA?

Since 2004, the international community has witnessed a significant political development in China: in its clampdown against rights activists and their efforts to defend civil and human rights, the government has not only resorted to extreme political violence, but has also extensively relied on criminal organizations and underworld tactics. The international community has expressed strong disapproval of this abuse of government power, but otherwise has yet to respond in any meaningful way.

In fact, this political development began in the late 1990s, accompanying three major concurrent changes in Chinese politics: the privatization of public power (gonggong quanli), the legalization of political violence and the increasing official use of criminal tactics.1

In what ways is officially sanctioned crime related to China’s political transformation? No systematic study of this question has been undertaken. An exploration of officially sanctioned crime must begin with an investigation of China’s criminal underworld. To understand how the Chinese government has come to engage in criminal activity, we must first understand the steady infiltration of Chinese politics by criminal organizations.

I discussed the rise, basic characteristics and social impact of criminal organizations in China in chapter 10 of my book The Pitfalls of Modernization (1998).2 Numerous studies on the criminal underworld have been published in China, and many academic specialists are conducting research on China’s criminal organizations. But because China lacks genuine academic freedom, these studies fail to reflect China’s actual political development, and even lag far behind media reports. While Chinese scholars are still discussing whether criminal organizations actually exist in China,3 many media outlets have exposed the deep infiltration of organized crime (heishehui zuzhi) into China’s economy and political system.The reason why Chinese scholars remain at square one in their research is that to date,the Chinese government has only acknowledged that “mafia-style criminal gangs”(heishehui xingzhi de fanzuituanhuo)have appeared in China,4 but has never

Table of Contents
Preface:

Why Study Officially Sanctioned Crime in China?

Chapter 1:

A Survey of Organized Crime in China

i. The Rise of the Criminal Underworld in China ii. Types of Criminal Organizations

iii. The Distribution and Characteristics of China’s Criminal Organizations

iv. The Infiltration of Chinese Politics by the Criminal Underworld

 Chapter 2:

The Institutional Background of the Criminalization of Chinese Politics

i. Social Tension as a Breeding Ground for Organized Crime

ii. Economic Reform, Social Mobility and the Growth of the Criminal Underworld

iii. Clientelism and the Criminalization of Chinese Politics

iv. The Police as Protectors of the Criminal Underworld

Chapter 3:

The Criminalization of Official Conduct

i. Infiltration of the Government by Organized Crime

ii. Chinese Officialdom Adopts the Value System of the Criminal Underworld

iii. Government Officials in the Shadow Economy

iv. Political Clientelism as a Conduit for Underworld Involvement in Economic Activity

Chapter 4:

Underworld Involvement in the Economy

i. Organized Crime’s Involvement in the Economy: Monopolizing Markets through Power and Violence

ii. Illegal Monopolies: Gambling, Entertainment and Smuggling

iii. Political Protection and the Illegal Management of “Legitimate Industries”

iv. From Rags to Riches

Chapter 5:

Officially Sanctioned Crime and Human Rights

i. The Violation of Land and Housing Rights since the Late 1990s

ii. The Destruction of Old Urban Neighborhoods

iii. Farmers Dispossessed of their Fields and Homes

Conclusion:

Officially Sanctioned Crime and Social Injustice

acknowledged the presence of full-fledged organized crime groups in China.

International criminologists have reached a general consensus about five defining characteristics of modern criminal organizations, which can also be applied to the study of organized crime in China: 1) There must be a large, stable and enduring criminal group and source of income. 2) The group must have a distinctive mode of action, lifestyle and code that constitutes a criminal subculture. 3) The group’s activities are usually covert, but can become overt for a time under certain circumstances. 4) The groups differ in their particular criminal activities and the territories in which they are active. 5) The group’s behavior and activities are highly predatory, parasitic and anti-social.
Judged by these criteria, it must be said that organized crime had already appeared in China by the late 1980s, and that organized crime groups grew in strength and number in the 1990s.

An alliance between gangsters and local officials has led to the increase in officially sanctioned crime, especially at the grassroots administrative level. In many localities,criminal organizations protected by local officials have taken over control of certain government functions and key sectors of the economy. They are so powerful that local people refer to them as a “second government.” Since the late 1990s in particular, local governments throughout China have used criminal organizations as goon squads to force urban residents from their homes and seize farmers’ land. The Shengyou Village5 and Taishi Village6 incidents are clear examples of local governments working hand in glove with criminal organizations to suppress popular resistance, and epitomize the predatory, parasitic and anti-social character of criminal organizations.

To shed light on the principal danger facing China’s political development, this report explores how a growing share of the economy and public life is coming under the control of criminal organizations shielded by government officials, and how the Chinese government increasingly relies on unlawful methods to dominate the population. The privatization of public power, the official use of criminal tactics and the legitimization and generalization of violence are the main indicators of the government’s growing reliance on unlawful methods.This political evolution is an inevitable outgrowth of China’s current political system. Now that the ideological myth of “serving the people” has been shattered, violence and force of arms are the regime’s final recourse to preserve its political power.

The official sanctioning of criminal conduct in China is a subject that has yet to be investigated by political scientists and sociologists. In other countries, collusion between criminal organizations and government officials is typically confined to the police and judicial authorities, and limited in scope to the business sectors in which criminal organizations specialize. But in China, criminal organizations collude with government officials in the Party, government administration, finance, judiciary, land management, tax administration and industry and commerce, and are involved in many more sectors of the economy than their overseas counterparts. The value system of the criminal underworld permeates the culture of officialdom and underpins the government’s growing reliance on unlawful methods of control, and while never openly acknowledged, its influence is widely felt.

Once we understand the criminal methods this unjust system of government is increasingly adopting, the hopeless human rights situation confronting ordinary Chinese people becomes all too clear. In the political sphere, ordinary citizens have no rights and are completely powerless to resist oppression by government officials at every level. In everyday life, the official use of criminal tactics has made laws and regulations a dead letter, and has led to a breakdown in the social order as ordinary people are forced to endure the rampant violence visited on them by government-hired gangsters.

Translated by Paul Frank

NOTES

  1. See He Qinglian, “Weiquan tongzhi xia de Zhongguo xianzhuang yu qianjing” (Current Situation and Perspectives of China under Authoritarian Rule), Dangdai Zhongguo Yanjiu (Modern China Studies), Summer 2004.
  2. He Qinglian, Xiandaihua de xianjing: dangdai Zhongguo de jingji shehui wenti (The Pitfalls of Modernization: Economic and Social Prob-lems in Contemporary China), Beijing: Jinri Zhongguo chubanshe, 1998.
  3. Qiu Geping, “ ‘Heishehui zuzhi’ de xingzhi jieding yu bianxi” (The Perceptions of Underworld Criminal Activities in China), Dangdai Zhongguo Yanjiu (Modern China Studies),Spring 2005; Guo Zili, “Lun you zuzhi fanzui de gainian he tezheng (On the Concept and Special Characteristics of Organized Crime), Zhongwai Faxue (Peking University Law Jour-nal), Vol. 2, 1998; Gao Yifei, You zuzhi fanzui wenti zhuanlun (A Study on Whether there is a Problem of Organized Crime), Zhongguo zhengfa daxue chubanshe, 1999.
  4. According to Article 1 of the Supreme People’s Court Interpretation of Questions Concerning the Concrete Application of Laws in Adjudicating Cases Involving Mafia-Style Criminal Gangs (Guanyu shenli heishehui xingzhi zuzhi fanzui de anjian juti yingyou falu wenti de jieshi), issued on December 5, 2000, a “mafia-style criminal gang” must generally have the following characteristics: (1) A fairly close-knit structure, substantial membership and strict organizational discipline; (2) generates income through illegal activity and has definite financial clout; (3) uses bribery and threats to induce or force state workers to participate in or protect illegal activities; (4) uses violence, threats and harassment for purposes of extortion, intimidation, and market or territorial dominance, seriously damaging the economic and social order.
  5. Translator’s note: On June 11, 2005, hundreds of men armed with shotguns, clubs and pipes attacked a group of farmers who were resisting official demands to surrender land to a state-owned power plant. Six farmers were killed and as many as 100 others were seriously injured. See “Chinese Peasants Attacked in Land Dispute,” Washington Post, Wednesday, June 15, 2005; “Land demonstrator killers sentenced to death in China,” Taipei Times, February 18, 2006.
  6. Translator’s note: In 2005, the residents of Taishi Village, Guangdong Province, signed a petition in accordance with the Village Committee Organization Law to recall their village-committee director, whom they accused of illegally selling village land. The local government responded with a series of repressive actions, including attacks against villagers and their outside advocates by riot police and hired thugs. On this incident, see Hu Ping, “Taishi Village: A Sign of the Times,” China Rights Forum No. 4, 2005.
Print Friendly, PDF & Email
英文文章

Post navigation

Previous Post: On State Crime and Political Responsibility
Next Post: The New Myth in China: China’s Rising Middle-class Will Accelerate Democratization

Related Posts

  • Beijing’s Inept Diplomacy Toward Japan and Taiwan 英文文章
  • Why has improvement in income distribution become the toughest task for China 英文文章
  • Beijing’s Rumor Control Cuts Both Ways 英文文章
  • Numbers About China’s Social Inequality 英文文章
  • China’s ‘New Judicial Reform’ Not What It Claims to Be 英文文章
  • Does the free market corrode moral character? 英文文章

Comment (1) on “Officially Sanctioned Crime in China: A Catalogue of Lawlessness”

  1. Clark says:
    February 12, 2015 at 12:10

    If only i could create just like you do… Wonderful post article.

    Reply

Leave a Reply to Clark Cancel reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

公告

清涟居欢迎各位网友来访并留下足迹。如果有对本网站改善服务的建议,请留言! 

导航

  • 学术思考
  • 中国观察
  • 经济分析
  • 世界与中国
  • 国土生态
  • 传媒观察
  • 历史与文化
  • 读书与随笔
  • 采访与演讲
  • 英文文章
  • 日文文章
  • 程晓农文集

友情链接

  • 何清涟VOA博客
  • 何清涟文章日译文链接(由Minya_J先生管理)
  • 何清涟英文专栏(由Ariel Tian管理)
  • 何清涟英文博客(由@kRiZcPEc管理)
  • 夏小强的世界
  • @HeQinglian

学术专著

  • 中国现代化的陷阱
  • 人口:中国的悬剑
  • 雾锁中国
  • 中国政府行为的黑社会化

最新文章

  • “两个美国”的国内国外冲击
  • 欧盟对华大U-Turn:“去风险化”成“趋中国化”
  • 爱泼斯坦文件:指向美国法外之地的黑暗入口
  • 特朗普外交:改“颜色革命”为“政权管理”
  • 美国抓捕马杜罗行动一箭三雕

好文荐读

好文荐读
  • 张锦华:警惕中共的锐实力——红色大外宣
  • 胡平:郑重推荐《中国:溃而不崩》
  • 当今中国信息库•当前中国解析式 ——评《中国:溃而不崩》
  • 僵而不死的百足之虫 ——评何清涟,程晓农《中国:溃而不崩》
  • 从一个陷阱到另一个陷阱
  • 何清涟悲哀慨叹中国是溃而不崩

Meta

  • Register
  • Log in
  • Entries feed
  • Comments feed
  • WordPress.org
  • 布林肯访华为何成了马戛尔尼觐见乾隆2023版? 世界与中国
  • 从竞选策略分析美国民主党缘何大败 世界与中国
  • 中共拒绝民主化的N个理由 中国观察
  • 中国个税与房产税为何一兴一废? 经济分析
  • 汕尾政府暴力镇压后中央政府为什么缺席?――分析中国的保护主义政治 未分类
  • 中国3000万光棍婚配 公权力应该介入吗? 中国观察
  • 王立强疑云背景:中国利用民主摧毁民主 世界与中国
  • 亚投行(AIIB)成北京散财机构 世界与中国

Copyright © 2026 清涟居.

Powered by PressBook News WordPress theme